Thérèse and Léon - Cinema (05/20/2017)

The political discourse immediately following the Great War revealed deep fissures concerning the path forward for the working class. While earlier aspirations suggested that a succession of reforms could naturally lead to socialist democracy, the trauma of the world war shifted expectations. Many in the French Socialist Party leaned toward adopting the revolutionary fervor seen in Russia, aiming to completely overturn the existing capitalist structure in favor of collective ownership.

The four years of the world war killed the hope in the strength of the people.

A significant minority within the party expressed strong reservations regarding adherence to the Third International, viewing it as a path toward authoritarianism. This adherence implied absolute subordination to the leader and the establishment of clandestine power structures, which fundamentally contradicted the party's established traditions rooted in the ideals of Jean Jaurès.

The concept of communism, as interpreted by some, involved absolute subordination to a central figure, characterized by the coexistence of official bodies and clandestine apparatuses, effectively concentrating real power in a small committee. This structure was seen as abandoning the democratic principles that had defined the party since the era of Jaurès, favoring a small, disciplined vanguard over broad popular representation.

Reflecting on the past, certain figures maintained that the militarized international and the resulting dictatorship led directly to the suppression of liberties. The argument was made that if socialism did not uphold freedom, its purpose was lost. This perspective strongly aligned with the memory of Jaurès, whose vision centered on peaceful, democratic progress rather than violent revolution.

Amidst these intense political debates, personal histories and historical perspectives intersected, particularly concerning the role of the historian documenting these events. Despite the ideological conflicts, there was a plea to remain united as a family, suggesting that a common home could still reunite differing factions. This period involved intense scrutiny of past actions and the personal courage required to navigate political adventurism while others maintained the established structure.

The personal narrative revealed the complex romantic history of Léon Blum, who met Thérèse when already married to Lise, who was ill. After Lise's death in 1931, the union with Thérèse formalized. This history presented contradictions, as Blum himself acknowledged a personal leaning toward polygamy, noting that he needed courage to overcome his favorable prejudice toward free unions when marrying twice.

Recalling the atmosphere sixteen years after the pivotal 1917 Congress, the focus shifted to the immediate political reality of the upcoming elections and the necessary alliances. The desire was to form a unitary electoral campaign involving Daladier and the Radicals, but securing the cooperation of Thorez and the Communists remained a difficult hurdle. The stakes were high, as failure to mobilize sufficiently risked allowing the right-wing parties to ally with fascists.

Despite the perception that Blum was overly conciliatory toward the business class, he pointed out that during the Front Populaire program negotiations, Thorez himself was the most moderate figure present. The initial demands were limited to social measures designed to reassure the Radicals, falling far short of immediate proletarian dictatorship. However, this moderation was often criticized by those who felt the party was too timid in the face of economic hardship.

A violent physical assault left Léon Blum with serious injuries, including a fractured temporal vein and multiple contusions, following an event in a Jewish quarter. Thérèse was deeply distressed by the violence, which was fueled by a press campaign calling for murder. Political allies urged that Blum be left undisturbed to recover, emphasizing the extreme danger posed by the aggressive right-wing elements.

In response to the attack, massive demonstrations occurred, involving hundreds of thousands of participants, including leaders from various allied parties. Despite the outpouring of support and well wishes flooding in from workers across the country, the incident highlighted the deep-seated political hatred directed at Blum. This level of devotion bordered on a cult of personality, which Blum himself found uncomfortable, reiterating his feeling of being too old for further battles.

The final election results presented a mixed outcome. While the moderate right was significantly weakened, the main socialist party showed stagnation compared to previous results. Conversely, the Communist Party gained substantial ground, gaining over 700,000 votes. This suggested that the Popular Front might need a more combative left-wing approach, though caution was advised to avoid alienating necessary centrist support during the second round.

Following the victory, the immediate question became who would lead the government, with constitutional rules dictating that the President of the Republic held the final decision, though Blum was widely expected to take the role. A key point of contention was the transition period; while the constitution allowed a month until the legislature concluded its term, there was palpable tension in the country, demanding immediate action against the fascist leagues.

The constitution says that the chamber must go to the end of the legislature; it is June 4th. That leaves us one month.

The formation of the new government involved intense deliberation over respecting the established legal order versus the need to move swiftly to quell rising fascist activity. Blum insisted on adhering to the law, arguing that stepping outside legality would provide ammunition to adversaries. This caution was contrasted by others who felt the delay in taking power risked further anarchy, especially given the immediate threat posed by the leagues.

Thérèse suffered a health collapse, diagnosed as severe fatigue, leading to concerns about her ability to cope with the stress. Despite this personal crisis and his own reservations about his aptitude for the role, Blum accepted the mantle of leadership. He declared that history had decided his role, committing to guide the nation with a quiet force, even if he did not desire the position.

Shortly after the government's formation, the nation experienced a genuine tidal wave of industrial action, with over 12,000 factories occupied. This massive movement threatened total paralysis within days, potentially leading to rationing or requisitioning of supplies. Union leaders, including the CGT, admitted they were losing control over the situation, which was becoming more complex than any planned political conspiracy.

The workers were demanding immediate concessions reflecting decades of accumulated suffering. Key demands centered on wage increases between 10% and 15%, two weeks of paid leave, union recognition, and the reinstatement of dismissed militants. The pressure on Blum was immense: acting forcefully against the strikes risked alienating the base and potentially sparking a full revolution, while inaction allowed the economic situation to spiral.

In a direct address to the nation, President of the Council Léon Blum outlined the government's commitment to fulfilling every pledge made to the people, emphasizing that its effectiveness depended on public trust. The administration promised to introduce legislation covering the 40-hour work week, collective agreements, 15 days of paid leave, and nationalizations, framing these as revolutionary steps for French democracy.

The immediate crisis concluded with the signing of the Matignon Accords, which formalized the agreements reached between labor and management. This protocol was hailed as ending the most formidable social conflict the Republic had known, inaugurating an era where negotiation and compromise—the virtues of democracy—would settle inevitable disputes. The successful voting of paid leave, with overwhelming majorities, marked a profound shift in the lives of ordinary workers.

Reflecting on the ministry from the relative calm of the hotel, the sight of workers traveling on holiday using their new entitlements provided a tangible sense of accomplishment. The organization of labor and leisure had brought an unexpected brightness to difficult and obscure lives. However, this period of euphoria was tempered by the realization that the economic foundation remained fragile, dependent on forces beyond immediate control, such as Communist alignment and Radical support.

The ultimate realization was that the full vision of justice and peace remained distant. The weight of political failure, including events in Spain, contributed to a sense of desolation. Yet, the enduring lesson was that the nobility of humanity lies not in achieving the final goal, but in the commitment to work towards an edifice that one knows will not be completed within one's own lifetime.